The Yorùbá are one of the peoples of West Africa affected by the demarcation of territories by European powers at the close of the nineteenth century. Although the bulk of the people are now found in South-western Nigeria, impressive indigenous Yorùbá communities are in the neighbouring Republics of Benin and Togo. This book is primarily concerned with the Yorùbá sub-groups in the latter two countries. The intention is to trace, with the aid of verbally transmitted historical source materials, supplemented with available written data, the pre-colonial socio-political developments of the subgroups.
After a long period of neglect and apparent abandonment by many scholars, the study of ethnicity in Nigeria and other parts of Africa has been revived, and with as much vigor as that which attended its ascendancy in African studies in the 1960s. The reasons for the reawakening are not surprising: economic depression and consequent migration have forced people back to interest-begotten weapons like ethnicity, in the desperate struggle to survive; democratic processes have resurrected old unsettled issues of nationhood, power sharing and resource allocation, much of which was swept under the carpet by authoritarian regimes, or simply wished away. Civil wars and violent conflicts have heightened ethnic tension and conflicts in several states; and, of course, there is an increasing recourse to the ethnic weapon by major competitors for state power, some of whom openly condemned ethnicity in the past. All these have rekindled the fire of ethnicity, finally blowing off the safety-valve in countries like Côte d´Ivoire and the Benin Republic which were previously considered safe from ethnic poison!
This book is the first comprehensive analysis on the history of infrastructural development and urban policies in Lagos since the colonial annexation to date. I think that the author faced almost three challenges to write it. It was necessary to consider a long term analysis (one century and a half), to take into consideration the growing size of the city - the biggest in the south of the Sahara since the 1960s - and, finally, to inquire into three key infrastructural sectors: water supply, electricity supply and transportation system. Both fascinating and depressing issues for town planners and officials; Lagos is probably one of very few cities with more than five million inhabitants without mass transportation system.
The papers in this volume were presented at a conference organized by the Institut Français de Recherche en Afrique (IFRA) at the University of Ibadan on the 26th and 27th of October 1998, as part of the 50 anniversary celebrations of the University. This conference brought together scholars from anglophone and francophone countries who have been collaborating on a research programme which is concerned with elite formation and the restructuring of higher education in sub-Saharan Africa. The project was originally conceived in 1996 by IFRA and the Centre d'Etude d'Afrique Noire (Bordeaux, France). Nigeria, with more than 50 per cent of the continent's university student population and 40 universities, constitutes the major thrust of the study; nevertheless the reports on Kenya, Senegal and Niger are equally informative and demonstrate that survival strategies and student unrest and 'cults' are not exclusive to Nigeria.
This is a study of the informal channels of conflict resolution among people living in Ibadan. Although the informal channels of justice are generally preferred by the poor because they cannot afford to hire an attorney, this study has shown that informal channels are often the first choice of citizens who wish to solve their conflicts outside a court of law.
The ugly phenomenon of terrorism has a long history, it hit the world like a thunderstorm in the 1970s, especially with the 1972 Black Septembist kidnapping of Jewish athletes during the Munich Olympic, and the plane hijacking that led to the Israeli raid on Entebbe airport in 1976 to free Jewish hostages, however, it was the September 11, 2001 attacks by suicide bombers against the United States that transformed terrorism into a new kind of warfare: they hijacked three separate civil aircraft and turned them into instruments of mass destruction by crashing them into the twin towers of the World Trade Centre and the Pentagon, the July 7, 2005 multiple bombing of London confirms to a great extent this new thinking of about terrorism.
The urban environment is a breeding ground for various forms of violence. As the hub of political, social and economic processes, the city is the meeting point for peoples from diverse cultural, racial, and religious backgrounds. It is often the venue of intense class and social struggles for scarce economic resources as well as political power. While the daily struggle for survival is usually nonconfrontational, when the economic-cum-political situation deteriorates, the city streets provide the venue for riots, demonstrations and even revolution. Because of the relative anonymity of city-life, it is also an attractive place for the more undesirable elements in society: thieves, rapists, murderers etc., who can commit crimes without fear of recognition. The urban context of violence is well established in the literature, and has been particularly emphasized by students of social change and revolution. Nevertheless, the study of urban violence qua urban violence has been rather sparse in Africa. The singular exception to this is South Africa, whose long history of structural violence dates back to the apartheid era. This phenomenon has been fairly well studied, although not specifically as urban violence. The pilot studies on three countries in this volume are part of a continent-wide comparative research project aimed at filling this huge gap in the literature. A research project on urban violence in Africa could not be more timely: All over Africa, criminal, political, religious and other social conflicts have been on the increase. The dwindling economic capacities and governance crises prevent governments from dealing effectively with these conflicts, which have often degenerated into situations of violence. These pilot studies and the larger project are expected to highlight these linkages and suggest the way forward. By their very nature, the studies are both exploratory and empirical. Problems are identified and suggestions are being made on how to overcome them. They therefore represent a necessary first step in coming to grips with issues raised by urban violence.
This project was embarked upon to assemble and describe the available literature, on the urban sector in Nigeria, with special reference to technical/research reports, journal articles, theses, books and conference papers. The aim is to make researchers/scholars aware of the extent and range of urban research in the country and so minimize duplication of effort. In addition, we intend to make available to scholars and all those dealing with urban issues and problems, particularly policy makers, a reference book on urban-related literature in Nigeria.
With an estimated population of about 130 million and over 250 ethnic nationalities, Nigeria ranks the most populous country in black Africa. It is also one of the most resource-endowed countries in the continent, having an enormous stock of natural resources that include petroleum, bitumen, gold, coal, and bauxite. Its soil and climate are suitable for an all-year round farming and there is ample distribution of rivers for commercial fishing. Many observers (Achebe, 1983; Ayida, 1990; Fasanmi, 2002) have therefore argued that, given the vast pool of human and natural resources at its disposai, Nigeria should have emerged one of the richest countries not only in Africa but in entire the world.
Étant donné l´urbanisation extrêmement rapide du continent au cours du dernier quart de ce siècle et sachant qu´une majorité de la population citadine est constituée de jeunes - à titre d´exemple, 54,8 % de la population de Dakar a moins de 20 ans - s´attacher aux problèmes de la jeunesse urbaine revient à s´intéresser à un large pan de la population. La simple fréquentation de n´importe quelle grande ville livre par ailleurs à l´observation la suroccupation de la rue en tant qu´espace public : à sa fonction de lieu de passage et d´interaction sociale fortuite s´est ajoutée celle de lieu d´activité socio-économique quasiment permanente. La rue est devenue marché : transactions, démarchage, colportage y fleurissent, mais aussi prostitution, drogue, agressions, vols et crimes de toute sorte. La rue est devenue un exutoire, une alternative qui fascine, la rue est devenue le bouillon d´une culture nouvelle qui, selon les lieux, coexiste avec ou supplante carrément les espaces sociaux habituels, ceux du foyer, de la famille, de la tradition et des institutions. La jeunesse urbaine se trouve au coeur de cette mutation dont elle est l´un des acteurs mais aussi, trop souvent, la victime. Depuis une décennie ou deux, on assiste au développement alarmant du phénomène que constituent les enfants de la rue : la rue habite les jeunes et les jeunes habitent la rue.
In 1993, when some scholars from the University of Ibadan made a proposal to the Institut Français de Recherche en Afrique (IFRA) - French Institute for Research in Africa, to study the increasing spate of urban violence in Africa, it was not anticipated that the scope of the study would increase at such a fast pace in the following years. The Institute agreed to fund the project and an international symposium was organized in Nigeria in 1994, with the aim of focusing attention on the issue of urban violence and determining its impact on the different segments of the society. Since 1994, however, urban violence in Nigeria took on a renewed ferocity with a dramatic increase in the loss of life and property. In Nigeria today, there is little security of life and property; urban residents live in perpetual fear of the morrow. They are wary in the day and terrified at night. One of Nigeria´s foremost scholars of the urban milieu has observed that, despite the existence of the Nigerian Police Force, armed robbers and burglars have the run of our cities. Hired assassins move across the urban domain with impunity. In addition to this pervasive insecurity of life and property is the constant struggle against poverty and deprivation. How have Nigerians reacted to this situation? This research, which is a follow-up to the 1994 Urban Violence Symposium addresses this question.
The autocratic regime of Sani Abacha (1993-1998) stands out as a watershed in the history of independent Nigeria. Nigeria´s darkest years since the civil war resulted from his unrestrained personal rule; very close to the features associated with warlordism. Nepotism, corruption, violation of human rights, procrastination over the implementation of a democratic transition, and the exploitation of ethnic, cultural or religious identities, also resulted in the accumulation of harshly repressed frustrations. In this book, some distinguished scholars, journalists and civil society activists examine this process of democratic recession, and its institutional, sociological, federal and international ramifications. Most of the contributions were originally presented at a seminar organized by the Centre d´Etude d´Afrique Noire (CEAN) in Bordeaux.
One of the consequences of the failure of the state to protect life and property of its entire citizens especially in developing countries like Nigeria is the emergences of private alternatives to crime prevention and control. This process of privatisation of security in Nigeria often involves recruitment of corporate and local security guards, vigilantes, night watchmen and the control of access into the neighbourhoods through gates and barriers. The book examines the nature, types, procedures, and administration of these private alternative to security in Ibadan metropolis. It identifies renaissance of primary affiliation among diverse urban residents and the interplay of forces of exclusion and inclusion among residents of gates neighbourhoods in Ibadan metropolis. It also evaluates the spatial pattern, trends and dynamics of gating and the general concern for security in Ibadan metropolis.
Ethnic Minority Conflicts and Governance in Nigeria explores and analyses the underlying sources and salient features of recent ethnic minority conflicts in Nigeria, the largely controversial policies by which the Nigerian state has sought to contain these conflicts, and the prospects and preconditions for a more stable and equitable system of federal governance in the country. Through an insightful examination of two most recent minority conflicts in the country, the author probes the contemporary problems of ethnic minorities. He appraises the management of the conflicts by the State, and proffers appropriate policy responses for the resolution of the country's ethnic minority problems. The book is recommended to policy makers, students of history and political science, academicians and the general public.
Students of religion and interested observers of politics in Africa will cherish this book for providing a thorough analysis of the origin and politics of the Christian Association of Nigeria (CAN). A Dangerous Awakening chronicles the religious clashes in Nigeria, and shows how religion has been used in the struggle for political power. Dr. Enwerem bases his study on interviews and unpublished memos, papers and letters not otherwise accessible to the public. This book is an invaluable contribution to the study of contemporary politics and religion in Nigeria Of the few Nigerians qualified to write on this important topic, Dr. Enwerem is the best... Reflective, thorough and mature, he has written a brilliant account of the most dynamic organization of Nigerian Christianity during the 20th century. The book teaches, challenges and provokes - qualities that define an outstanding work that will stand the test of time.
IN AFROBEAT! A POPULAR ARTIST, a counter-hegemonic activist of the hardest grain, meets his most cerebral, disquisitional interpreter. - ODIA OFEIMUN, Leading African poet and former President, Association of Nigerian Authors. This is not just another addition to a growing Fela scholarship but a fascinating and frequently insightful study. It is both a celebration of Fela's uncommon virtuosity and an exploration of his mystique. - NIYI OSUNDARE, Poet and Professor of English, University of New Orleans. A Major contribution to Fela scholarship in particular, and African popular culture studies in general; it explores Afrobeat as musical practice and cultural politics. - TEJUMOLA OLANIYAN, Associate Professor of English, University of Virginia. An original effort. Like Fela's life, this account of it is not only a wild ride but a magical African musical mystery tour. - DAVID COPLAN, Professor of Social Anthropology University of Witwatersrand, South Africa.
Kano is a city where a multi-layered form of community policing was established in the era of the rollback of the state in social provisioning in the midst of ever-increasing armed banditry and crime. Between 1985 and 2005, vigilante groups were established in almost all the neighbourhoods of Kano with the support of the traditional authority and community leaders. However, government interference, political instrumentalisation and inadequate support undermined its critical rote. Part of the rationale for the Police Community Relations Committee (PCRC) in Sabongari lies not in the efficacy of such initiative in reducing the incidence of crime but to confer a sense of identity, control of crime and security. The contradiction in PCRC could be located in the pathological fixation of police on corruption, which alienated and depressed the public from providing valuable information for crime control. The activities of vigilante groups and Hisba have reduced the high rate of juvenile delinquency in metropolitan Kano. The litmus test for Hisba in the implementation of Sharia law would be how it could reconcile the social diversity in a multicultural society such as Kano to ensure security and social harmony. The study concludes that the gap between different forms of vigilante groups, conflicting political motivations and the near discordant relations with the police, produced a dysfunctional mechanism for crime control.